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Barry Castle belonged to William de Barri in the 12th. Century, but was destroyed by Llewellyn Bren in 1316. Some say it was later rebuilt and used by the Cavaliers only to be destroyed again by the Roundheads, never to be reconstructed.

The Normans were hated by the locals and they had to build large mansions to protect themselves from the frequent attacks carried out on them from the people of the valleys and mountains. During the time of Henry III, there were 12 castles within six miles of Barry. In Glamorgan, there were 30 castles and in south Wales as a whole, 150.

Porthkerry and its church which lies on the wooded hill to the west of it are said to have taken their name from Ceri, who, in turn, is said to have founded a port there, ie ‘Port Ceri’. People say that Ceri ap Caid, the King of Essyllwg, lived in Porthkerry before the Christian era and that his bard, Corvinor, was the first to build a ship with sails and a rudder for the ‘race of Cymru’. Some believe that Ceri was a nephew or grandson of Caractacus (Caradog) and that he took over the leadership of the government in South Wales when Caractacus had to journey to Rome.

John Wesley preached in the Porthkerry Church and sometimes outside in the churchyard too between 1741 and 1743. Today, there are two very old churches still in use in Barry: St. Cadocs Church in Cadoxton and Merthyr Dyfan Church in Merthyr Dyfan. One-hundred-and-fifty years ago, Cadoxton was the largest village in the Barry area: thus, in 1844 the Parliamentary register contained 25 names: 20 from Cadoxton and five from Barry. The one church was dedicated to St. Cadoc, who had been accustomed to spend Lent on Flat Holm and Barry Island. The village (Cadoc’s Town)took its name from the church, which was founded in 800 AD.

Merthyr Dyfan Church, which is situated in the north of Barry, was founded in 600 AD and the name means Dyfan The Martyr. There were two saints of this name. The one travelled to Barry to convert the local people to Christianity and the other lived in the sixth century. He was the son of a Welsh chieftain. His sister was also martyred and the town of Merthyr Tydfil is named in her memory.

The Christian faith grew exponentially in the Vale of Glamorgan and in the middle of the 2nd. Century, Llewrwg, Prince of Siluria, became the first king, anywhere in the world of all time, to be baptized into the Christian faith. He sent to Rome for more Chritian teachers and was sent Dyfan and Fagan. The former was martyred near the site of the church and the latter was canonized. St. Fagan’s just outside Cardiff was named after him.

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In the 18th. Century evidence of Neolithic man was discovered in the form of dishes, saws, knives, flints, a scraper, a prehistoric horn celt with obscure markings, a spokeshave and some arrowheads, amongst other things. Unfortunately, although these things reside safely in the Museum of Cardiff, no one thought it worth excavating at the time and now residences stand on the sites.

They also found an ancient Roman kitchen complete with utensils and food remains which appeared to have been abandoned in a hurry like the Marie Celeste. That wasn’t investigated either. In 1533, the King’s Antiquary, Leland, was told to tour all places where records were held. It took him nine years and his description of the island was as follows:

“It is about a mile in circumference and has good corn, grass and some wood, and there is no dwelling on the Island, but in the midst of it is a fair little Chapel of St. Baruch which is visited by many pilgrims. It took the name Barri from this holy man who was buried there and whose remains are yet on the Island”. (The Welsh name for Barry is Y Barri).

Vikings ravaged the coast of South Wales in the tenth century. They often took hostages from the monasteries, but they did not seem to want to live in the area. For a long tim, the island was known as the “Saints’ Retreat” or the “Island of Saints”. Afterwards, in the sixteenth century, it was inhabited by smugglers and pirates and was called the “Smugglers’ Fortress”. This became serious as it grew simultaneously with the rise of Bristol, Britain’s second largest port.

The island soon became the centre for smuggling and piracy in the Bristol Channel. In 1784, Barry Island became known as ‘The Fortress of Knight’. Kight was the most frequent and feared pirate in the channel but people were too afraid to speak out against him. He was also a local celebrity. His ship was armed and named ‘John O’ Combe’. The navy eventually routed him and he moved down to Lundy Island, which he also turned into a fortress. However, he and his successor, Arthur, went back to Barry so often that Customs requested the government to send a cutter to Penarth and 60 soldiers to Barry on permanent duty.

Rhoose was infamous for its wreckers and George II sent troops to break up the smugglers and wreckers. They landed at Aberthaw “the Rhoose men’s favourite landing zone, from where they could easily transport the contraband along Port Road to Cardiff, the main market for such things”. Several large caves were filled in while constructing the present day docks and it is likely that they were used by the pirates until they were moved on in about 1850.

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Portuguese politics managed at several various levels. The particular constitution and the laws made the first level. This formal framework of government often seemed strict, legalistic, and impenetrable, especially to outsiders. Yet, these types of constitutional and legal structures had been more obvious and much more easily understood compared to other levels of the Portuguese system of government.

The next level contains political parties and interest groups. Because of its legalistic tradition, a stringent separation endured within Portugal between the formal governmental system and the sphere associated with political parties and awareness groups. Portuguese were known to adhere to the official system of government yet to denigrate interest groups and political parties. While Portuguese democracy prospered through the 1980s, nevertheless, political parties and interest groups gained higher popularity as an integral part of the program of government.

Not like these first couple of levels, the third level of Portuguese politics was largely invisible and was probably the toughest for outsiders to go into and comprehend. This particular level contains the informal connections, family associations, interpersonal ties, kinships, and patronage systems which were so much the heart of the Portuguese political system. Seldom been vocal of or described by the Portuguese, had these interactions enabled the Portuguese system to work and to cut with vast layers of red tape.

Most of the informal networks that had long steered Portuguese matters were severely interrupted through the Revolution of 1974 when many displaced their property as well as their positions. On the other hand, several systems had been regained in succeeding years, and others were formed through the making new of completely new political and financial affairs. Understanding of this particular third level of Portuguese politics was crucial for the complete understanding of the particular formal and also the informal dynamics within the Portuguese politics.

Since the formation of the democratic republic and its constitution in 1976, four main political parties emerged; the CDS (Centro Democratica Social), PPD/PSD (Partido Popular Democratico/Partido Social Democratica), PS (Partido Socialista) and PCP (Partida Comunista Portuges). The PS and the PSD dominate the regional and national governments and also have similar base politics, both with focus on market economic system and pro- Europe. The particular President is chosen for five years, is commander in chief of the armed forces, and can serve a couple of consecutive terms. Other main parts of the government would be the Council of Ministers (the government), the Assembly of the Republic (the parliament) and the judiciary. The parliament comprises 230 members whom serve terms of 4 years and are elected using a form of proportional manifestation. The two independent areas of the Azores and Madeira also have their own legislative power and governments ever since 1976, and distribute legislative proposals to the Portuguese Parliament (Assembleia da Republica).

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